Feminist and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and more (LGBT+) movements in the Philippines face mounting challenges that are deeply rooted in cultural, religious, and political dynamics. Machismo culture continues to reinforce strict gender roles and perpetuate male dominance, leaving little room for gender equality (Syjuco 2016). The Catholic Church – a powerful force in shaping Philippine society and politics – has strongly opposed progressive initiatives such as the Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Expression (SOGIE) Equality Bill (first proposed in 2000 but which has stalled), and reproductive rights, framing these as threats to traditional family values (Gamalinda and Ofreneo 2024; Ildefonso 2024). Women’s rights groups and the Church have also dismissed efforts to recognise sex work as labour, arguing that it exploits women’s poverty (Dumlao 2013). This environment has significantly shrunk the space for sex work activism (Parmanand 2024).
Under former president Rodrigo Duterte’s administration (2016–2022), public misogyny (including rape jokes and claims that women are unfit for leadership) normalised discriminatory attitudes and emboldened sexism (Lema 2021; Morallo 2017). Women’s rights groups and LGBT+ rights groups were frequently targeted through red-tagging, accused of being communist armed groups, undermining their legitimacy and exposing members to harassment, surveillance, and violence (Amnesty International 2020). LGBT+ communities face widespread discrimination and alarming levels of gender-based violence (GBV), with at least 50 trans*[1] or non-binary individuals murdered between 2010 and 2020 (Pagulayan 2022).
Meanwhile, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr’s administration has avoided taking a clear stance on reforms such as decriminalising abortion, legalising divorce, and protecting LGBT+ communities, continuing many of Duterte’s authoritarian practices (Mendoza et al. 2024; Abad 2023). The President further opposed a proposed Sex Education Bill, condemning it as inappropriate for children, particularly objecting to elements suggesting that children explore different sexualities (Presidential Communications Office 2025; Mendoza et al. 2024).
Landscape of anti-rollback actors
For this brief, 14 organisations were analysed, with additional insights from broader transnational and online feminist movements. Most operate nationally, with some extending their influence into grass-roots and sub-national contexts. Larger entities are often internationally networked, reflecting the Philippines’ role in transnational feminist advocacy, particularly on trafficking and feminised labour migration (Roces 2010). Membership is either identity-based or issue-based. Funding for these organisations is often opaque, serving to protect both donors and recipients in a sensitive socio-political environment. Most groups rely on international grants and grass-roots fundraising, with some resorting to small-scale income generation, such as selling merchandise, to sustain their activities (Tang and Poudel 2018).
These anti-rollback actors focus on sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) and sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI), with some addressing GBV and women’s public participation or the rights of intersectional groups. The organisations’ activities predominantly take place in civic spaces, often supplemented by significant use of media. Organisations aim to secure formal rights by addressing systemic issues, exercise existing rights through political engagement, and effect norm change to ensure that cultural attitudes align with legal reforms. Advocacy is the primary mode of intervention across themes, though a few groups engaged in work on SRHR also provide services to combat misinformation and improve access.
Counter-rollback strategies
The organisations employ a range of strategies to counter rollback. Survival is crucial in navigating the criminalisation and social stigma associated with sex work and LGBT+ identities. For example, the Philippine Sex Workers Collective uses ‘strategic invisibility’ (Lollar 2015) to safeguard its members by maintaining anonymity, avoiding external engagement, and operating primarily through social media. This approach mitigates risks of exposure, harassment, or prosecution (Parmanand 2024). Its diverse membership, comprising male, trans*, and student sex workers, remains unregistered and excluded from government consultations, highlighting the hostile legal and social environment for sex workers (ibid.).
Online campaigns have become a powerful strategy, fostering solidarity and amplifying marginalised voices. This approach is supported by young feminists who are leveraging both traditional activism and digital platforms. The #BabaeAko (I am a woman) campaign mobilised Filipinas to publicly challenge misogyny and sexism under Duterte’s administration. Using that hashtag, women shared personal stories and positioned themselves as ‘fearless and powerful’, rejecting narratives of victimhood (Alingasa and Ofreneo 2021). Similarly, the #HijaAko (I am a young woman) campaign provided young Filipinas with a platform to share their experiences of sexual harassment and to denounce rape culture, while calling out sexism and misogyny (Lau n.d.). Both campaigns show discursive activism by combining personal accounts with collective resistance, using social media to gain local and international attention.
Organisations play a key role in providing services and training. For example, the Family Planning Organization of the Philippines (FPOP) distributes contraceptives and offered the Minimal Initiative Service Package Reproductive Health Medical Mission in 2016 to vulnerable populations, especially in conflict-affected and remote areas, helping to mitigate health crises such as maternal health issues and HIV transmission (FPOP n.d.). Galang hosts training and workshops, including Building Bridges, which engaged government officials in dialogue to improve LGBT+ visibility in policymaking and ensure the inclusion of LGBT+ individuals in local health and social services (Galang Philippines 2024).
Organisations also engage in legal advocacy to address systemic barriers and push for new legislation. Oxfam Philippines contributed to the passage of Republic Act No. 11596, which prohibits child marriage and imposes penalties for violations (Oxfam Philippines 2022). PINSAN (Philippine Safe Abortion Advocacy Network) has been working to decriminalise abortion, pushing back against the lack of support for the Bill in the Senate and House of Representatives (Nath 2023). Metro Manila Pride has worked with local government officials to advocate for the passage of the Anti-Discrimination Bill, aiming to address discrimination against the LGBT+ community (Metro Manila Pride n.d.).
Gaps and areas for future research/work
Further research into how larger charities engage with local grass-roots collectives could reveal power dynamics and highlight the need for equitable feminist network-building. There is a need for research on how anti-rollback actors view government agencies such as the Philippine Commission on Women (PCW) and how these agencies influence the effectiveness of civil society organisations working on women’s rights and LGBT+ rights.
Notes
[1] We use trans* to indicate the inclusion of gender identities such as non-binary, gender-fluid, agender, etc., alongside transsexual and transgender.
Credits
This Country Brief was written by Chandni Ganesh. It was supported by the project Rapid Scoping Review – The Nature of Feminist and LGBT+ Movements in a Range of Selected Countries, funded by UK International Development from the UK government. The views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of IDS or the UK government’s official policies.
First published April 2025.
Suggested citation: Ganesh, C. (2025) ‘Rapid Scoping Review 2025: Philippines’, Countering Rollback Country Brief, Brighton: Institute of Development Studies, DOI: 10.19088/IDS.2025.032
© Institute of Development Studies 2025.
This is an Open Access brief distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International licence (CC BY), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original authors and source are credited and any modifications or adaptations are indicated.
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