The rollback of women’s rights and of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and more (LGBT+) rights in Argentina has escalated since the election of President Javier Milei in 2023. His administration has dismantled structures designed to promote gender equality and combat discrimination, such as the Ministry of Women, Genders, and Diversity, and the National Institute against Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Racism (INADI) (Burdman 2024).
Severe budget cuts have further weakened programmes for sexual education, reproductive rights, and gender-based violence (Domingo 2024; Tentorio 2024). There is also a rise in homophobic rhetoric from government officials, which has contributed to heightened hate speech and violence against LGBT+ individuals and activists (Barber 2024; Iricibar 2024). Catholic and evangelical churches and pro-life groups have persistently opposed abortion rights, organising the ‘blue tide’ movement in 2018, framing them as threats to traditional values (Campagnoli 2024; Gudiño Bessone 2022; Dinerstein 2021; Gago 2019).
The response to these rollbacks, however, has been limited, particularly considering Argentina’s history of mass mobilisations. Although it is too early to fully understand the underlying reasons for this limited response, several factors appear to contribute. The extreme right has effectively framed gender gains as ‘useless’ expenditure, and as remnants of leftist policies that allegedly caused the country’s economic crisis and soaring inflation. The media’s support of the government’s agenda has further marginalised progressive social movements, reframing their demands as complaints of ‘privileged’ actors positioned as enemies of ‘ordinary’ people struggling under economic hardship. This environment has made it difficult for feminist and LGBT+ movements to regain the momentum.
Landscape of anti-rollback actors
For this brief, eight organisations were analysed in relation to their main operations and efforts to counter rollback. They primarily engage in advocacy and research, with some also offering services, such as supporting safe abortion and creating communal spaces for marginalised groups, including trans*[i] women. Except for one, all identified organisations operate at national and sub-national levels, covering most of the country’s provinces. Although the majority are grass-roots-based and work collaboratively to achieve specific goals, two organisations are composed of professionals, such as health sector workers.
These anti-rollback actors address a broad range of issues. Their primary focus is on ensuring access to free and safe abortion, advocating for reproductive rights through legal reforms, and evidence-based initiatives. Gender-based violence constitutes another key area of their work, influencing legislation and supporting survivors. Organisations also work to promote sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI), using data to strengthen advocacy and push for recognition. Although most organisations work predominantly in the civic space, employing tools such as association, protests, and advocacy to influence policymaking and drive societal change, one organisation uses social media as a key platform to engage broader audiences and amplify its advocacy activities.
It is important to note that Argentina’s feminist landscape includes a myriad of smaller, less visible grass-roots organisations that reflect the strength of the country’s popular women’s movement. These groups often rely on support from women’s funds.
Counter-rollback strategies
The eight organisations have employed a range of strategies to counter rollback, such as advocacy, research, protest, and service provision. Mass mobilisation has been a key strategy. Central to this is the National Women’s Meeting (recently named as Plurinational Meeting of Women, Lesbians, Transvestites, Trans, Bisexuals, Intersex and Non-Binary). These autonomous, self-organised gatherings, held since 1986, have created a federal movement structure that connects diverse groups across the country, not only in the capital or main cities. Demonstrations such as the 2015 Ni Una Menos march and the 2018 Green Wave mobilised hundreds of thousands, significantly raising awareness and pushing for legislative change (Mulinari 2023; de Souza 2019). Notably, these protests have been intergenerational, with adolescent girls from secondary school actively participating and invigorating feminist activism.
Another central tactic adopted is a discursive approach. The National Campaign for the Right to Legal, Safe and Free Abortion promoted the Voluntary Interruption of Pregnancy Law, passed in 2020, using intersectional language that recognises the rights of diverse groups, including cisgender women, trans* men, queer, and non-binary people (Dinerstein 2021; Sutton 2020). Years of activism by LGBT+ groups challenged the heteronormative framework of abortion rights discourse, leading to the inclusion of the text ‘all persons who can become pregnant’ in the 2016 version of the bill. This shift aligned with the 2012 Gender Identity Law, which removed sterilisation requirements for gender recognition. Organisations have also emphasised evidence-based advocacy, producing detailed reports on gender-based violence, political participation, and health-care access for marginalised groups (Observatorio Nacional de Crímenes de Odio LGBT+ 2023; ELA n.d.).
Legal and policy advocacy has also yielded significant outcomes, including the Brisa and Micaela Laws, which address femicide and mandate gender training for state workers respectively (Costa 2022; Martínez 2022). It is also important to note that Argentina became one of the first countries in Latin America and beyond to approve exemplary laws on equal marriage (Law 26.618, 2010) and gender identity (Law 26.743, 2012).
Gaps and areas for future research/work
In general, there is more information about strategies to counter continuous rather than episodic backlash (the current government’s actions fall into the latter category). There remain gaps in terms of limited data on how organisations fund their activities and how they have responded to challenges from religious and conservative groups. More research is needed to understand the effectiveness of specific strategies in influencing policies and laws.
Notes
[i] We use trans* to indicate the inclusion of gender identities such as non-binary, gender-fluid, agender, etc., alongside transsexual and transgender.
Credits
This Country Brief was written by Maria del Pilar Grados Bueno. It was supported by the project Rapid Scoping Review – The Nature of Feminist and LGBT+ Movements in a Range of Selected Countries, funded by UK International Development from the UK government. The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of IDS or the UK government’s official policies.
This is an Open Access brief distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International licence (CC BY), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original authors and source are credited and any modifications or adaptations are indicated.
